En respuesta a:
4122 (escrito por "cuervo cuervo" )
"cuervo cuervo" dijo:
> HOLA... DE NUEVO YO...July 22, 2002
> este artículo fue escrito por un corresponsal extranjero sobre Colombia, es
> de hoy 22 de julio...
> la pagina es www.colombiareport.org
> es una muy buena página sobre Colombia y su situación interna y para
> aquellos que defienden a las guerrillas colombianas es bueno que se enterne
> de cómo es realmente el conflicto armado...
> Esto no es Chiapas y ni Jojoy, ni Reyes son el sub comandante Marcos...
> Colombia no está viviendo un sueño ni una utopía... 300.000 muertos lo
> La guerra de las drogas está teniendo ua gran repercución en la región...
> Y es de sumo cuidado el análisis que debemos hacer sobre lo que ocurre en
> Colombia... los juicios a priori nos entierran...
> Brazil's Escalating Role in the Drug War
> by Ronald J. Morgan
> Brazil began bolstering its border security almost as soon as Plan Colombia
> surfaced in 1999. After three years of military expansion, the
> Brazil-Colombia border is bristling with new installations. Among them is a
> new air force base, a naval base, and a set of border platoons stretching
> from Tabatinga through an area known as the Dog´s Head, where Colombia,
> Venezuela and Brazil meet. A new jungle brigade based in the Amazon city of
> Tefe provides support for the 2,500 troops stationed along the 1,000-mile
> border. These ground forces are supplemented with naval and marine units as
> well as aircraft at the new Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira airbase.
> The Brazilian military has also been busy putting in new roads, bridges,
> schools, health clinics, water wells and riverboat docks throughout the
> heavily indigenous area with a population of some 100,000. The Brazilian
> buildup, part of a revamped older border development program know as Calha
> Norte, includes $14.5 million in military security spending and $10.5
> million in social development, most of it spent in the Colombian border
> The government has also dispatched to the border a 200-man federal police
> task force known as Operation Cobra to further bolster security and fight
> drug trafficking. Brazil says its programs are preventive medicine aimed at
> protecting the Amazon and that most activities are directed at controlling
> drug trafficking, stopping illegal logging, and clearing out poaching gold
> As early as 1996, Brazil and the Raytheon Corporation began constructing a
> $1.4 billion radar system called System for Amazon Surveillance (SIVAM).
> Announced with much fanfare at the 1992 Rio Earth Conference, the project is
> about 70 percent complete and will be inaugurated in Manaus on July 25. This
> system uses radar stations, air reconnaissance and some satellite support to
> monitor air traffic, maritime movement, border activity, and intercept
> communications of all types. SIVAM will also keep track of weather patterns
> and land use, while making rural telecommunications in the Amazon more
> While originally designed to save the Amazon rainforest from various types
> of abuse, it is expected that its Manta FOL-type reconnaissance abilities
> will also be used to stop drug pilots from entering Brazil and provide
> timely information to border units. The Brazilian air force estimates that
> some 200 planes flew into Brazil illegally in 2001 and is calling for the
> government to issue a shoot down regulation similar to the type in place in
> Colombia and Peru. Last year, the U.S.-Peruvian program resulted in the
> accidental shooting down of a missionary plane.
> Brazil stressed that it was not interested in becoming part of the
> U.S.-backed Plan Colombia when the border buildup began. In October 2000,
> Admiral Hector Blecker, Brazil's assistant chief of intelligence, told the
> Brazilian congress that while it was obvious the probable impact of Plan
> Colombia would require Brazil undertake police, environmental and social
> action programs in the border area, "the idea of a multinational military
> operation in the Brazilian Amazon is unacceptable."
> During the congressional hearings it was stressed that the environmental
> impact to the Brazilian Amazon from Colombian aerial spraying, and the
> possible use of a mycoherbicide could destroy legitimate crop production
> along Brazil's jungle rivers. Blecker is concerned that "chemical agents
> such as glyphosate and biological agents such as fusarium oxysporum in the
> Putumayo and Caquetá rivers will flow into the Ica and Japura rivers
> But just as the United States originally claimed that Plan Colombia would
> confine itself to fighting drug trafficking but is now expanding to include
> counterinsurgency operations, Brazil role in the war on drugs has also
> experienced mission creep. Recent air, land, and sea maneuvers along the
> Brazil-Colombia border involving 4,000 men sent a clear signal that Brazil
> intends to use force to keep guerrillas and drug traffickers out of its
> United States involvement on the Brazilian side of the border is also
> ratcheting up. In September 2001, Brazil signed a bilateral letter of
> agreement with the United States for counternarcotics activities that call
> for mutual cooperation and U.S. aid for Operation Cobra and other counter
> drug trafficking operations. The agreement also pumps funds into the newly
> created National Secretariat for Public Security, which has unified control
> over Brazil's Federal and local police forces.
> Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, while still officially
> claiming that Brazil is not involved in Plan Colombia, strongly endorsed
> Colombian President Andrés Pastrana's decision earlier this year to
> terminate the demilitarized zone granted to the rebel Revolutionary Armed
> Forces of Colombia (FARC). Cardoso also called the election of Alvaro Uribe
> in May a "clear example of the vigor of democratic ideas in South America."
> Despite Brazilian contentions to the contrary, South America's biggest and
> most prosperous country is slipping deeper into the drug war and the
> Colombian Conflict. In March, Brazilian military officers visited the
> Pentagon where they exchanged views with U.S. officers and gave
> presentations on Brazil's border security and development program.
> On a recent visit to Brazil, Otto Reich, assistant secretary of state for
> the Western Hemisphere, expressed Washington's desire for internationalizing
> intervention in Colombia's conflict, "We think that the threat to Colombia's
> democracy is a common threat not just to the United States and Brazil, but
> to the whole Hemisphere. And, if countries are worried about the spillover
> effect of, say, 'Plan Colombia', they should be even more worried about the
> effect of not stopping the terrorists and the narcotics traffickers inside
> Colombian borders."
> Operation Cobra is also growing in scope and sophistication. In December,
> Brazil opened a regional intelligence center at Tabatinga whose mission is
> to sort through intelligence on border activities, which it will then share
> with Peru, Ecuador, Colombia and the United States. Additionally, Brazil has
> completed work on seven new police installations along the border stretching
> from Tabatinga to Vila Bittencourt.
> Brazil has both shed blood and suffered casualties along the Colombian
> border. In February Brazilian troops attacked a boat with suspected FARC
> guerrillas, killing six persons near Apoporis. The same month a Brazilian
> soldier disappeared under unclear circumstances. In March, 197 indigenous
> persons of the Maku nation sought refuge at Vila Bittencourt charging that
> the FARC had threatened them. During maneuvers in May, Brazilian soldiers
> suffered two casualties--one wounding of a soldier outside Tabatinga
> apparently involved Colombians, while another soldier disappeared along the
> Rio Negro.
> Colonel Roberto de Paula Avelino, who manages Calha Norte from a campus-like
> building in Brasilia, downplays the incidents, claiming the border area is
> fairly quiet despite the FARC presence on the Colombian side. He also
> believes that a major incursion by uniformed FARC guerrillas is unlikely, "I
> don´t think the FARC is interested in making a new enemy."
> De Paula Avelino's analysis stands in sharp contrast to recent statements
> about Colombia's illegal armed groups made by Reich, "If these people work
> to ever gain control over larger parts of Colombian territory, I think there
> is no doubt that they would take their business, which is narcotics and
> terrorism, to other countries. I don't think they are only interested in
> taking control by force of Colombia. I don't think they know any borders.
> Terrorists sans frontiers, to coin a phrase."
> Not surprisingly, the FARC disagrees with Reich's analysis. Oliverio Medna,
> the FARC International Committee representative in Brasilia, said FARC
> commanders have been ordered to keep their troops out of neighboring
> countries. "We are hoping for reciprocity from the neighboring governments.
> Reciprocity in what sense? If we don´t cause problems in the territories of
> the neighboring countries, that their governments will abstain from
> intervening and getting mixed up in the internal affairs of Colombia. We are
> not a problem for any state other than Colombia."
> Medna claims that talk of FARC border incursions is part of a policy aimed
> at discrediting the rebel group, "If a tree falls in the Ecuadorian jungle,
> they says its the FARC's fault. If in Peru a cow shows up dead in the
> morning, it's the FARC. Our plans do not include intervention in the
> territory of any country."
> Alcides Costa Vaz, an international relations professor at the University of
> Brazil, says Colombia is not a hot political issue in Brazil, "Issues of
> national security have ranked very low on the domestic political agenda.
> There is not a very strong position in public opinion. The last few years
> economic issues have ranked very high." He went on to stress that, "So far
> Brazil has resisted the idea of having a active role," but if Colombia asks
> for regional alliances and cooperation, Costa Vaz believes Brazil will
> probably cooperate.
> Whatever the semantics, Brazil is involved in the Colombian conflict through
> the sharing of intelligence and an escalation of military and police
> activities inside Brazil aimed at stopping drug and arms trafficking and
> preventing a spillover of the violence. This is likely to continue even if
> the leftist Workers Party candidate Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva wins the fall
> elections for the presidency.
> Workers Party Senator Tião Viana, who represents the Amazon state of Acre,
> said the party opposes U.S. bases and U.S. troops in Brazil but supports
> exchange of intelligence, training, and cooperation in operations as long as
> Brazilians execute them. "In the Brazilian Amazon there's a clandestine
> infiltration of groups from Bolivia, Peru and Colombia involved in drug
> trafficking and clandestine wood extraction," Viana said. "The Amazon is
> very unprotected. There's a need for troops and intelligence operations."
> The Cobra Program is a natural for U.S. involvement, and cooperation between
> the two countries began to increase last year when DEA agents toured
> Brazil's Amazon operations. Brazilian Federal Police and the DEA also
> cooperated in the arrest in Colombia of Brazilian drug lord Luis Fernando da
> Costa, know as Fernando Beira-Mar (Seaside Freddy) and the bust a few months
> later of his top lieutenant Leomar Olviera Barbosa in Paraguay.
> According to recent congressional testimony by DEA chief Asa Hutchinson, DEA
> agents in Colombia and Brazil are currently working to capture of Tomas
> Molina Caracas of the 16th Front of the FARC. The DEA is also fielding
> special teams of DEA and Brazilian police to investigate money laundering.
> It has been estimated that as much as 25 percent of Colombian drug money may
> be hidden in Brazilian accounts.
> Enticing Brazil into greater cooperation may be the increased availability
> of funds for equipment, training, operations and development projects, and a
> decade-long growth in domestic drug use and drug-related violence. The Bush
> administration's Andean Regional Initiative calls for Brazil to receive $6
> million in counterdrug assistance and $12.6 million in social development
> funds this year, while a 2003 Bush administration request calls for another
> $12 million in counternarcotics funds.
> Recently, the presidents of Brazil, Peru and Ecuador joined together to
> request $1.3 billion from the Inter-American Development Bank for use in
> border social programs aimed at dealing with the spillover from Plan
> Colombia. President Cardoso raised the fight against drugs to front burner
> status in a national speech June 19 when he compared it to the country's
> earlier struggle against hyperinflation. At the same time the government
> released a study estimating that there were 1.7 million cocaine addicts in
> Both increased domestic consumption and the creation of cocaine processing
> centers in Brazil are seen as potentially undermining U.S. drug war efforts.
> Brazilian traffickers are building a niche for themselves in designer drugs,
> while the nation's large chemical industry provides an opportunity to obtain
> drug-processing chemicals.
> Drug traffickers are active and powerful throughout the country. A 2001
> Congressional inquiry into drug trafficking and impunity called for the
> indictment of 800 persons, among them politicians and police.
> Fearful that Brazil could rival the U.S. and Europe as a drug market, the
> United States has been tinkering with Brazil's drug policies. It has jointly
> designed with Brazil a new series of drug courts and it finances a
> U.S.-style DARE school drug prevention program. It is also backing a study
> of Brazilian attitudes toward drug use.
> Drugs are seen as the fuel for the country's tremendous criminal violence
> problem and increase in youth murders. In Rio de Janeiro some 10,000 persons
> are alleged to be active in local drug distribution and street sales.
> According to a study by the International Labor Organization, many of the
> persons involved are children. "What you find is that since 1995 more
> children have taken up drug trafficking. They start as young as eight years
> old," said Pedro Americo F. Oliveira, head of the ILO Child Labor section in
> Brazil. "They come from the poorest of the poor. They are one-parent
> families. The parent works and the child doesn't go to school." What is the
> average life expectancy for a child drug dealer? One year, says Oliveira.
> According to a recent Human Rights Watch report the situation is exacerbated
> by the regular use of torture and murder by the Brazilian police forces. The
> gruesome killing of Brazilian Investigative Journalist Tim Lopez by a drug
> trafficking gang has sparked a police crackdown in the Rio de Janeiro
> favelas that may prove to be a prototype for harsh action to come. A
> combined task force launched by the federal government includes military
> intelligence units and the use of combined federal and local police squads.
> Some people are advocating military occupation of many of Brazil's troubled
> urban areas.
> The rapid escalation of the drug war in the last year by the Cardoso
> administration runs the risk of exacerbating tinder box social conditions.
> Costa Vaz warns that over-militarization of the drug war, especially in poor
> neighborhoods, will backfire unless enforcement programs are designed
> carefully. "We have a very sensitive and dangerous domestic situation. What
> is going on in Rio right now is generating a situation of social conflict.
> The door to civil war will open if you bring in the military. We will not
> solve Colombia's problems, we will probably reproduce them."
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